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Nicolls licensed the Company's ship to come again from Holland with merchandise within the year, and also per mitted a few prominent merchants to trade with ports in the north of Europe. This was to meet the insistent needs of his people, for no ships were arriving from England. With the West India Company he was highly indignant. Its scurrilous letters' to Stuyvesant and Van Ruyven — which, Is he wrote to Winthrop, he compelled them to show him because nobody would 'tell any news' and which disavowed the Articles of Surrender — would justify him, he declared, in ,ionfiycating all its property to the use of the king of England. And, in fact, he did sequester its property when he got word by way of Virginia that the king had declared war with [Tolland and expected the colonies to guard themselves lgainst probable attacks by De Ruyter's fleet.

Directing the Long Islanders and urging the New Eng landers to take all possible precautions, on June 28 the governor called the people of the city together to consider 'low it might best be fortified, offering for his own part to 3ontribute two thousand palisades and a thousand guilders n wampum. The burghers, say the city records, gave him no categorical answer.' Some declared that the defences were good enough, others said that they could not work until he governor restored the arms which he had taken from them while arming their English neighbors. All were dis Airbed by the new militia regulations which seemed to con the pledge in the Articles of Surrender that no Dutch man d be fo - I war against any nation whatsoever.' And undoubtedly they were angered by the 'act that Nicolls had just completed his work of reconstruc tion by indirect, in the chokg of their magistrates.

That is, on June 12 he had revoked by proclamation 'the Form and Ceremony of Government' of the city which, pre viously conducted 'under the name or names, style or styles Schout, Burgomasters, and Schepens,' was thenceforward to consist of 'Mayor, Aldermen, and Sheriff, according to the custom of England in other his Majesty's corporations.' On the same day by means of a formal commission he had appointed these new officials, to serve for one year and to govern in accordance with the general laws of England and such others as they might think 'convenient and necessary.' Although this commission was not, properly speaking, a municipal charter Chancellor Kent called it a 'charter of in corporation' and it is sometimes referred to as the Nicolls Charter. Perpetuating in a new guise the old city govern ment, it established the first English municipality which had an actual, active existence in the colonies. Also it greatly extended the limits of the city, saying that the inhabitants of New York, of New Harlem, and of all other parts of 'the Manhatans Island' were to form 'one body politic and cor porate' under the rule of the city magistrates.

Thomas Willett was the first m. • , s calling him from the farm to which he had retired at Reho both in Plymouth Colony because he would be 'acceptable' to axxtuainted-with their and customs' than any other.

oony who had been serving as schout kept his place as sheriff in the English sense. The first aldermen were Cornelis Van Ruyven, Oloff Stevensen Van Cortlandt, and Johannes Van Brugh with John Lawrence, their long-time English friend, and Captain Thomas Delavall, member of the governor's council and collector of customs.

Not without 'divers debates' did the Dutchmen accept their new offices. The sixteenth of the Articles of Surrender, they protested, which said that the magistrates in office might continue to serve 'till the customary time of new election' and then might choose their successors, promised perpetuity for the existing form of city government. But the words were ambiguous, and Nicolls now explained that he had duly respected them in the previous February when, the time of the annual installation of magistrates then arriv ing, he had in fact permitted the corporation to renew itself in the accustomed way. Possibly he had thus understood the pledge from the first. Possibly he stooped for once to subterfuge in the fulfilment of what he now knew to be the Duke of York's desire; for the duke, he took pains to inform the dissatisfied Dutchmen, had written him to make the government of New York `conformable' to English customs. He had gone beyond the letter of this mandate, although not beyond the general spirit of the duke's commands, for the freemen of many English cities elected their magistrates. On the other hand the annual rotation in office that he pre scribed in imitation of Dutch customs was an improvement on the life tenures common in English municipalities.

On June 14, 1665, the first mayor and aldermen — the first common council—of New York, all the members now consent ing to be sworn, stepped at once into the property rights and the judicial functions of its last burgomasters and schepens. On June 15 they organized their court, using by command the English tongue and establishing trial by jury — that is, appointing twelve jurors to decide all civil and criminal cases and thus abolishing the Dutch practice of arbitration — but making few other changes. Between this time and 1673, when the Dutch recaptured New York, the city records w • • : • • . • • •• • "1" D tch. Nicholas Bayard was soon appointed secretary to the corporation. The city treasurer of the Dutch was replaced by a collector who made payments upon warrants signed by the mayor and the secretary. Minor city offices the magistrates filled from a double number of nominations presented by their incumbents.

Thus the Court of the Schout, Burgomasters, and Schepens of New Amsterdam became the Mayor's Court of the City of New York, but with enlarged powers for it acted as a court of probate and a surrogate's court and also exercised the powers that were held in the ridings of Yorkshire by the courts of sessions. This enlargement and the extension of the limits of the city justified the perpetuation, in the person of the sheriff, of the schout whom the Dutch thought so im portant an officer; for in England a sheriff was a county side Park. Although the charter said that in future the village must be called not New Harlem but Lancaster, this being one of the duke's titles, the English name never took root and appears in no existing document save the charter itself.

All that part of the duke's territories adjoining Nova Scotia, Nicolls reported, was 'not worth a farthing.' It is not known that he made an effort to settle a government either here or in Martha's Vineyard and Nantucket. All the rest of his province he had set in order except the parts between Manhattan and the Delaware, and these had been cut off from it.

In June, before the duke had secured his prospective do main, while his expedition was still at sea, he had made over by deeds of lease and release to Sir George Carteret and Sir John Berkeley (by this time Lord Berkeley of Stratton), who had both served on the committee of the Council for Plantations which advised the seizure of New Netherland, all those parts of it which lay between the Delaware and a line to run a little toward the northwest from the Hudson River at forty-one degrees of latitude, a point opposite the site of Yonkers; and he had named them Nova Caesarea or New Jersey in memory of the island which Carteret, then its governor, had stoutly defended against the adversaries of Charles I. The deeds conveyed only the duke's right to the soil. Rights in government they neither bestowed nor re served to the duke. But, as possession of the soil would by itself be useless, the patentees assumed that they held rights of government also, and drew up a constitution like the one adopted for Carolina, prescribing that New Jersey should be administered by a governor, a council, and an elected assembly, providing for the easy acquirement of lands, and establishing religious freedom.

The deputy-governor who was at once sent out to organize the new province in the name of the proprietors, Philip Carteret a relative of Sir George, made the coast at the was just at this time that New Netherland was recovered for Holland.

On May 26 the declaration of war against Holland was published at Boston, the first proclamation of the sort that had been heard there. In New York the news was known by June when Lovelace wrote to Governor Winthrop that all the New York vessels in Dutch ports, four in number and one of them his own large ship the Good Fame, had been put under arrest although not yet confiscated. On the 27th of the month he ordered that, in accordance with the king's proclamation and on account of the war, ships should leave New York only in company, naming the selected dates. Not until July 6 was the proclamation of war published in front of the State House and at the gate of the fort. Then Love lace also announced that he had increased the number of his councillors. For six months thereafter there was no alarm, but on January 22, 1673, when the official postman started on his first trip from New York to Boston, Lovelace wrote Winthrop that if it were true as reported from Vir ginia that the Dutch had sent 'forty sail well fitted' to the West Indies, 'it will be high time for us to begin to buckle on our armor.' He and his advisers, wrote John Clarke from the secretary's office to Albany on the 28th, were still forced to 'grope' in a 'dark corner' for, although seven or eight ships had come from England to Boston during the past year and fifty or sixty to Virginia, 'never a one hither.' In March Lovelace was called back from Westchester because of a rumor that a hostile squadron was coming. It was only `one of Manning's 'larrums,' he said, referring to Captain John Manning whom he always left in command, of Fort James when he was away. To Thomas Delavall, then at Albany, he wrote that a person whom Delavall had sent down to Manhattan had made 'so fearful a narrative of the approach of the French' as though the sword were already at the throats of the Albany people; together with Manning's haste in recalling the governor this report had created such a panic among 'credulous women' that Lovelace believed only his presence restrained them from fleeing to distant parts. Unafraid himself of the French or the Dutch he did, indeed, summon the soldiers from the North River as well as from the Delaware posts to New York but soon dispersed them again, keeping only three score in the fort.

It was the Dutch province of Zealand that gave birth to the greatest sea-fighting family in history, the Evertsen family of which it is written that during the wars of the seventeenth century fourteen members were killed in battle. Chief among these were the brothers Cornelis and John, famous admirals both of whom lost their lives in the great battles of 1666. In 1672 the admiralty of the province of Zealand confided a squadron of four men-of-war to the eldest living son of Cornelis, always called by Dutch writers Cornelis Evertsen the Younger, who was then barely thirty years of age. Besides their usual companies these ships carried a hundred and fifty mariners (fighting sailors or marines) under command of Captain Anthony Colve, a mili tary man who had formerly been in the naval service and was therefore considered especially competent to lead a force of seamen on shore. A manuscript copy, now in the New York Public Library, of the 'Second Secret Instructions' given for the conduct of this squadron in accordance with a secret resolution passed by the States of Zealand says, under date of October 12, 1672, that the thoughts of the States were directed to the island of Bermuda in case the design against the island of St. Helena, set forth in a preceding resolution, should not be brought to success. This island of Bermuda should be attacked and plundered, or thoroughly subjected if deemed possible and desirable; and furthermore the squadron should proceed . . . before and along the coasts of the Virginias [and] New Nether land, not forgetting Newfoundland, in order thereupon to capture and ruin everything there that shall be possible and at the very least — the design against the Island of St. Helena contrary to probability not succeeding — by that means to get so much booty that the cost of this expedition may be fully defrayed therewith.

Sailing from Flushing on December 15 Evertsen touched at Surinam and on May 30, 1673, made Martinique. Here he met four ships of war belonging to the admiralty of Am sterdam and under command of Jacob Binckes, an officer of Frisian origin who had taken part in the previous war with England and in the famous raid into the Thames. He wrote his name Benckes; it was also written Binks, Bincques, and by the English Bunker; but Binckes is the form always em ployed by modern writers. Together Evertsen and Binckes successfully assaulted the English island of St. Eustatius and destroyed its fortifications. A force to garrison it they could not spare. Following then Evertsen's instructions to cruise up along the mainland coast, in July they appeared in the James River where, after a fight lasting four hours, they took or burned a number of vessels belonging to a tobacco fleet which was preparing to sail under convoy of an English man-of-war. Passing out of the river they cap tured a sloop from New York carrying passengers among whom were James Carteret, who had been ordered by the proprietors to leave New Jersey, and his bride, a daughter of Thomas Delavall. These were set ashore in Virginia. Another passenger, Nathan Gould of Connecticut, who re mained a prisoner, afterwards made a deposition in regard to what he saw. The skipper of the sloop, it says, when offered his freedom and his vessel if he would give true in formation about New York, declared that the city was pro tected by a hundred and fifty good guns and that within three hours the governor could raise five thousand men. If that was so, said the Dutchmen, the skipper might have his sloop and they would never see New York. But a certain Mr. Hopkins contradicted him, saying that there might be be tween sixty and eighty men in the fort, that within three or four days the governor might raise three or four hundred more, and that there were less than forty pieces of ordnance which a shot or two would shake 'out of their carriages.' So the Dutch fleet hopefully set sail for Manhattan.

Governor Lovelace was not there. A letter written from Hartford on July 29 by John Allyn the secretary of Con necticut to Fitz-John Winthrop at New London says that Governor Lovelace had come with Secretary Nicolls and three servants to visit Governor Winthrop. He was intent, it seems, upon business connected with his new postal route. On the day that Allyn's letter was written the Dutch ships entered the harbor of New York. On the 30th the city sur rendered. Lovelace was already on the way home for on the 31st he wrote to Winthrop: At New Haven I received an unwelcome news of the Dutch ap proach before New York . . . yesterday about five or six of the clock they stormed it, a hot dispute it seems to have been, how the success was I cannot yet learn. They, I understand, have breakfasted on all my sheep and cattle on Staten Island. I am hastening as fast as I can to make on. God spare me to get in and I doubt not to give a good account of it. . . . I am yet out of their power and am hasten ing now over to Long Island to raise the militia there. . . . God Almighty preserve you and send us a happy meeting, if not here then hereafter, which is much better.

Writing in 1759 Cadwallader Colden said, with justice, that the facts of the surrender of 1673 had been incorrectly given in William Smith's history of the province. He himself had been told by some of the Dutch inhabitants 'who remem bered the thing well' that when the Dutch ships 'came under Staten Island' they had no thought of seizing New York but meant only to take in wood and water, but that the Dutch people there, informing him of the weakness of the place, invited him to take possession of it. Of course these people knew nothing of the incident that Gould recorded, nor had it come to Smith's or Colden's notice.

Although this second capture of Manhattan was as easily effected as the first it was more creditable to the captors, being a genuine conquest honorably undertaken in a time of war. And it was less creditable to the vanquished for, while Stuyvesant had done all that any man could, Lovelace was inexcusably careless and Manning scarcely attempted to make terms.

The first despatches sent home by the Dutch commanders were lost at sea like those in which Colonel Nicolls had an nounced his success nine years before; the extant minutes of Lovelace's council end with July 4; and the city records are missing from October 12, 1672, to August 17, 1673. Only from English sources can any ample account of what happened be gathered. The best account that he had seen, John Winthrop wrote to his son Fitz-John toward the end of September, was a 'narrative' in the hands of John Sharpe and, he supposed, `his own collection.' Sharpe was an attorney-at-law who, as Governor Nicolls once wrote home, had come over with him 'in his Majesty's service.' He had been with Manning in the fort at the time of the surrender; and his narrative, written in the third person, resembles, although it is more detailed, the official report upon the surrender, called Exact Account of all the Proceedings of the Military Officers of Fort James from 28 July, 1673, to the Surrender of the Fort, which is now in the Public Record Office in London bearing the signatures of Manning and of Thomas and Dudley Lovelace and indorsed 'Captain Manning's Papers about New York.' Presumably Sharpe himself carried the letter which men tions him from Governor Winthrop to his son, for Fitz John Winthrop made a copy of his narrative. It says — to summarize its many details — that on Monday, July 28, Thomas Lovelace came in a canoe from Staten Island, 'against tide, though a swelling sea,' to bring word that six large ships were in sight from Sandy Hook. 'The whole town was in an uproar.' The officers of the fort were Captain Manning, Captain Dudley Lovelace, and Captain John Carr who had been in charge of the Delaware country. To recall the gov ernor they despatched a mounted messenger who, as Love lace's letter to Winthrop shows, met him at New Haven; and they sent out a boat to scout, ordered the Long Island militia to repair at once to Fort James, fired beacons to warn the people of danger, and set strong guards at night. The city, it was feared, could not muster a hundred fighting men, and the fort and its guns were almost useless. Late at night it was known that nineteen ships had come. All of this, says Sharpe, . . . did so bereave our men of their wonted liveliness and vigor that in all that night there was little or nothing done in the way of preparation for an enemy.

On the morning of Tuesday twenty-one sail were counted in the lower bay. Manning pressed provisions in the city but had no time 'to think of mending' his guns or their carriages and platforms. The Long Islanders would not come in; and, 'the Dutch standing neuter,' only ten or twelve 'town livers' joined the sixty soldiers in the fort. `All the town who stood in throngs by the waterside was in a strange hurly-burly' when during the afternoon several great frigates came through the Narrows and anchored 'under Staten Island.' All night the people 'took little rest,' some of them hurrying their goods out of the city while 'most of the English' thought 'no place so safe for their storage as the fort.' On Wednesday morning the garrison 'cheerfully' made itself 'as ready for a brush' as it could though it had heard that the fleet carried three thousand men and still 'not a man' from Long Island appeared: . . . a high shame for Englishmen, who have always worn the garland as to point of honor and valor, that in such an eminent occa sion they should draw their necks out of the collar to save a few dirty goods (which is all they pretend for their non-assistance). . . .

Each party now despatched a boat under a flag of truce, Manning instructing his envoys, who were Thomas Lovelace, Carr, and Sharpe, to ask why such a fleet had come and to treat in an amicable and friendly way, and Evertsen and Binckes sending by a trumpeter a summons to surrender with a promise of 'good quarter.' To gain time, hoping that the governor and the Long Islanders would arrive, Manning kept the trumpeter two or three hours, 'treating him with meat, drink, and wine, and such accommodations,' and then sent him back to say that he could give no answer until his own envoys should return. Meanwhile part of the Dutch squadron stood up the bay, as Nicolls's ships had done, and drew near to Nooten Island while the English soldiers, their courage revived, cried eagerly, 'Let us fire ! Let us fire I' When the envoys returned they reported that the Dutchmen would give 'half an hour to consider of surrendering and no more' and had 'turned up' the hour-glass. 'Very proudly' they received Manning's plea for a delay until the next morn ing, saying 'one half-hour more' and turning the glass again. Thereupon the Englishmen 'locked up' the fort, determined `to stand upon their defence.' After the ships had fired a warning shot to say that the half-hour had expired both sides fired for 'about an hour.' Then, seeing that six dilapi dated cannon could not oppose nine men-of-war and fearing an uprising of the townsfolk, the garrison 'put up a flag of truce . . . and beat a parley.' Nevertheless the ships kept on firing while they were landing men on the North River shore, and soon 'the enemy was marching down the Broad Way' to storm the fort.

The commander of this storming party, Captain Anthony Colve, pausing before he reached the fort sent a trumpeter to ask whether it would surrender. Manning sent back three messengers vaguely instructed to make the best terms they could. Two of them Colve held prisoners, telling- the third, Captain Carr, to inform Manning that he might have a quarter hour in which to submit definite proposals. Carr brought no reply. When the quarter-hour had 'more than double ex pired' the Dutchmen 'in a rage' began to march again. Then it was learned that Carr had not carried the message to the fort. He had deserted — 'like a traitor he had turned an other way and was never since seen !' Granted still another delay, the Englishmen now asked in writing that the garri son should march out with the honors of war and that all persons 'belonging either to the fort or town' who were within the fort should go where they pleased, unmolested, `with their goods, bag and baggage.' Captain Colve promised this, says Sharpe, on `the word and honor of a gentleman and soldier,' saying that he had no time to write; and about seven or eight hundred Dutch soldiers marched into the fort, the English troops 'making a guard for them.' The Exact Account, Nathan Gould's account, and other English reports and letters, some of them sent to England by Governor Leverett of Massachusetts with a despatch of his own, give details which supplement Sharpe's narrative or now and again contradict it. Persons, it was written, who went 'privately' from Staten Island and Long Island to the fleet when it first appeared bore witness that the people were 'ready to revolt,' being dissatisfied 'with the oppression of such as ruled the town and trade.' At once Evertsen wrote to the city magistrates promising all men their 'estates and liberties.' Certain volunteers who presented themselves at the State House promptly spiked the guns of the half moon batteries near by. When Manning hoisted his flag of truce Captain Carr without orders pulled down the king's ensign. When Colve's troops landed (above the governor's garden, back of the site of Trinity Church) four hundred Dutch burghers 'all armed' met their fellow-countrymen and encouraged them to storm the fort. Nine of the invading vessels were men-of-war — 'not privateers but commissioned by the State to make spoil where they could'; the others were prize-ships. The largest fleet by far yet seen in the harbor of Manhattan it bore, all told, 1600 soldiers and seamen. Two English ships laden with merchandise that were captured in the harbor had not tried to aid the town or to defend themselves although one of them carried thirty five guns. In the bombardment of the fort, it appears, only one man was killed on each side. The deserter, Captain Carr, fled to the Delaware country. Dutch historians say that six hundred men were landed with Captain Colve; also, that when the envoys from the fort asked Evertsen to show his instructions he replied that they were sticking in the mouth of one of his guns. And Cadwallader Colden's account says that when the Dutch ships came up to the town the inhabitants all flocked to the shore 'to welcome them with all the demonstrations of joy which they could make.' Doubt less the Dutchmen thought themselves well justified in thus receiving the invaders, for they had been promised that they need not bear arms against any nation, and those who were not office-holders had taken only the conditional oath of allegiance, `whilst I live in any of his Majesty's territories.' After the English soldiers had marched out of the fort with the honors of war they were ordered in again, disarmed, and sent on board the Dutch ships while all the goods stored in the fort were confiscated. Thus, says Sharpe, Colve broke his promises. But not all the English accounts say that he promised anything, and he himself and the Dutch com manders always averred that the place had surrendered without making any terms at all — without 'the smallest capitulation.' In the first excitement the Dutch troops plundered the houses of Lovelace, Manning, and Thomas Delavall who was the duke's auditor-general, sparing that of the English mayor, John Lawrence, because of the prayers of the burghers. The disorder was at once suppressed and a soldier afterwards caught thieving was condemned to death. Manning was courteously treated and permitted to retain his sword. Within a few days, the up-river garrisons having surrendered without trying to make terms, Manning and his wife, Dudley Lovelace, and part of the English troops were sent away on some of the Dutch ships which, after destroy ing scores of fishing vessels and making a number of prizes off the coast of Newfoundland, proceeded to Fayal. Here the Englishmen were landed, penniless as Manning reported when with great difficulty, his wife dying on the journey, he had made his way at last to England.

Governor Lovelace reached Long Island but raised no militia there. Two depositions say that he returned to the fort on Manhattan with one of the Dutch commanders who had gone to seek him. Governor Leverett's report asserts that he was persuaded by one of the Dutch domines to come to the city for three days. As soon as he arrived some of the burghers caused his arrest for debt, and although he was not imprisoned he was forbidden to leave the province until his obligations should be discharged.

The Secret Instructions given to Evertsen settle the oft debated question whether he and Binckes captured New York with or without orders. The general government of the Republic had nothing to do with the expedition; and the government of the province of Zealand had ordered simply that under certain conditions New York should be attacked and pillaged. When it was captured the two commanders had to arrange on their own responsibility for its provisional administration. Neither outranked the other. Alternately, day and day about, they held command of their combined fleets. And in perfect accord, so far as can be read, they made their civil and military arrangements — arbitrarily, of course, and rapidly, but evidently with the advice of some of the Dutch residents and certainly with thoroughness, modera tion, and much intelligence. At once they restored the old Dutch name of the province. City and fort they named afresh, New Orange and Fort Willem Hendrick. Albany they called Willemstadt and for its fort they revived, un wittingly no doubt, the title of the very first post planted at this place, Fort Nassau. All these names they gave in honor of the young Prince of Orange.

August 9 was the day of the surrender according to the Dutch calendar. On the 12th the commanders appointed their military associate, Captain Anthony Colve, to be gov ernor-general of the province and the fort, setting the bounda ries of the province on the mainland as the Hartford Treaty of 1650 had defined them but claiming for it the whole of Long Island. As an 'expert person' to assist the governor they chose Cornelis Steenwyck, naming him first councillor; but they did not issue either his commission or Colve's until the government had been reconstructed by a council of war composed of themselves, Colve, and two other captains.

The minutes of this council of war, beginning on August 12, show that it then released the old city magistrates from their oaths to King Charles and the Duke of York. Mayor Lawrence surrendered the city seal, the mace, and the magistrates' gowns. On the 17th the council reestab lished the magistracy in its old Dutch form but with three burgomasters instead of two, the double nominations having been made by a vote of the burghers at large, the choice of the incumbents of course by the council. The burgomasters were Johannes De Peyster, Johannes Van Brugh, and lEgidius Luyck; the schout was Anthony De Milt. Included in the magistrates' oath of office was a pledge to maintain the Christian religion 'conformably to the Word of God and the order of the Synod of Dordreght, as taught in the Church of Netherland.' It did not imply any proscription of other faiths but tacitly it excluded from municipal office those not in communion with the Dutch church and therefore pre sumably all or almost all Englishmen.

Naturally the oath of allegiance administered to the people at large took no account of the West India Company whose lost province had been recovered by the fleets of Zealand and Amsterdam. It prescribed obedience to the 'Lords States General' and 'his Highness of Orange' and to such officials as might represent them. Englishmen it excused from taking up arms against their fellow-countrymen unless these should come in company with the forces of another nation — meaning of course the French.

Staten Island, the Five Dutch Towns on Long Island, and their English neighbor Gravesend had instantly welcomed the new masters of the proximo. In Governor Carteret's absence the chief places in New Jersey had also volunteered submission. All the other towns near Manhattan and on Long Island were ordered to send delegates to give in their allegiance, a proclamation promising that, although the sur render had been 'without any capitulation or articles,' every inhabitant would be treated as a 'true and faithful' subject as long as he so demeaned himself.

On August 18 the council of war nominally sequestered all property belonging to the kings of France and England and their subjects but actually attached only the estates of the representatives of Charles and the Duke of York. Those who suffered were Governor Lovelace, Thomas Delavall, and Delavall's son-in-law William Dervall who is usually thought to have been an Englishman but must have been a Dutch man as Governor Leverett once so described him and Gov ernor Nicolls had issued to him letters of denization which an Englishman did not require. What Lovelace lost by this confiscation he himself described when, in August, he wrote to Winthrop that digitus Dei had decreed the fall of New York: Would you be curious to know what my losses amount to I can in short resolve you. It was my all which ever I had been collecting ; too great to miss in this wilderness.

Thomas Delavall, it appears, had become the chief land holder at New Harlem and had considerable possessions else where — one or two of the East River Islands, a warehouse at Kingston, and property at Albany. At first the collector of customs, afterwards auditor-general of the duke's revenues, he was now accused of having collected the tapsters' excise without paying the debts which according to the Articles of Surrender of 1664 should have been discharged with it that is, the war-loan advanced by the city to Stuyvesant as the representative of the West India Company.

The Dutch and English towns near Manhattan, all receiv ing local governments of the Dutch pattern, were formed into several groups under district courts resembling those of Stuyvesant's time and the more recent courts of sessions.

The court of New Harlem continued in subordination to the city court, and another of the same kind was erected for the `Out District' which, extending from the Kalck Hoek Pond or Fresh Water to New Harlem, embraced the Bowery village. Five commissioners were sent to administer the oath of allegiance on Long Island, two of them being Eng lishmen William Lawrence a brother of John, and Charles Bridges who had long been an office-holder under Governor Stuyvesant and was more generally known as Carel Van Brugge. The English towns were warned not to resist the government as they had in Stuyvesant's time 'contrary to honor and oath.' The up-river communities, the Delaware country, and New Jersey, which was renamed Achter Col from the early name of Newark Bay, were also peacefully and thoroughly reorganized. Everything was done, of course, subject to approval or revision by the home authorities. A full account and balance were demanded from Cornelis Van Ruyven as collector and receiver-general of the Duke of York's revenues.

The English residents of the city, John Sharpe declared, suffered 'hard imposures and molestations' besides 'the ex tirpation of them all from out their territories' as soon as the new Dutch rulers had got 'all they had . . . the narrative whereof . . . cannot but draw tears from all tender-hearted Christians.' This meant that so many strangers were com ing and going at New Orange who would give no account of themselves that for safety's sake the council of war decreed that only Dutch subjects should remain there or should enter without a license. A few Englishmen, John Lawrence among them, then consented to take the oath that saved them from banishment; and thus they also saved their estates when the property of all subjects of England and France except those who resided in the other colonies was actually sequestrated in the name of the Republic.

On the day before this order was issued, September 19, Anthony Colve was installed as governor-general with Steen wyck as his first and for the time his only councillor and Nicholas Bayard as his secretary and the receiver-general of the province. On September 27 Evertsen and Binckes sailed for Holland together, taking some of their prize-ships with them and sending others to the neighboring English colonies to deliver the English prisoners whom, on account of their great number, they could not take home. Two of their vessels they left to protect the harbor — the Surinam of 24 guns commanded by Captain Evert Evertsen Franszoon, and the snow Zeehont (Seal) a smaller vessel commanded by Captain Cornelis Eewoutzen. Colonel Lovelace, ordered now to leave the province, was taken by his own request on Binckes's ship, Thomas Delavall accompanying him. His brother Thomas got permission to remain. Probably Love lace had nothing to carry away with him except forty beaver skins given him 'in consideration of the wampum he had delivered to the council of war.' Driven by storms to Fayal, by the end of December the squadron had got no farther than Cadiz on its homeward way.

During the war then in progress Jacob Binckes served the Republic again in the West Indies, taking for it Cayenne, St. Martin where many years before General Stuyvesant had lost his leg, and some of the other French Antilles. He was

killed on shore in 1677 while defending Tobago against the French — blown up in the explosion of a powder magazine. Cornelis Evertsen the Younger had a longer career. He was one of the two admirals in command of the fleet which in 1688 carried William of Orange to England; and it was he who in 1690 saved the English fleet from disaster in the battle of Beachy Head when the English admiral treacherously left his Dutch allies to bear the brunt of the French attack. A journal written by Evertsen and preserved among the archives of the province of Zealand may contain details as yet unpublished about the conquest of New York and its reorganization as a Dutch province.

Governor Colve soon enlarged his council, which served of course as the superior court of the province, by the addition of Nicholas Bayard, Cornelis Van Ruyven, and Willem Knyffe, an infantry officer who filled the revived office of schout fiscal. In all important affairs the governor consulted also the city magistrates. He was described by an envoy from Connecticut as 'a man of resolute spirit and passionate' who managed matters 'so as is not satisfactory to the people nor soldiers.' But the needs of the moment, which had required that not a civilian resident but a soldier be set to govern the province, called for strictness, even sternness, as well as for much activity and alertness on the governor's part. Things were not as they had been when Colonel Nicolls cap tured the place in a time of peace. Now it instantly feared an attack from England or New England.

In October, because the city was so encumbered by 'houses, gardens, and orchards . . . close under its walls and bul warks' that it could not be rightly defended, the magistrates concurred in Colve's order that the buildings adjacent to the fort and to the wall, including the new Lutheran church, should be razed or moved, the damage to be appraised and the owners to be compensated from the proceeds of extra import and export duties. This was duly done, the com mittee of appraisement consisting of the three burgomasters, Councillor Steenwyck, and two carpenters. Martin Cregier in concert with a military engineer was appointed to super intend this work and also the repairing or rebuilding of the city wall. All burghers and inhabitants were to contribute the labor of their hands. The burgher guard was reorganized with three foot-companies, and a compa • The towns of the eastern end of • ng when first summoned to accept the new order of thing had asked for privileges larger than the council of war c uld grant, and had then refused or temporized while ap•ealing to Con necticut • . • • • • •m ..Q.Blacticat-haPed that _theJeturn of the Dutch meanLachancethsecurg>the fe_arfuLat_first_iat.-its own safety, it did not receive the supplicants but merely sent envoys to to the Dutch atamaliders for troubling English townsantLfor_e_apturing a Connecticut vessel. The Long Islanders were • t, coanders rep • oir e vessel belonged to mm of Holland whom they had been ordered to injure as much as they could. In October the eastern towns were formally summoned to take the oaths of allegiance. Three of them, refusing, sent another appeal to Connecticut. Then the government of Connecticut wrote to Colve that it would resent any 'malicious oppression' of his Majesty's subjects, explaining that, as it was not 'the manner of Christian or civil nations' to disturb poor people 'in country cottages and open villages in time of war,' he was probably seeking 'some plausible pretence of plundering and pillaging.' If such things should happen, said the writers, they well knew where there might be 'easy reparation' among the farms and villages of New Netherland. Indignantly Colve returned a copy of this letter to Governor Winthrop, writing that he could not believe that so 'impertinent and absurd' a document had come from persons 'bearing the name of Governor and General Court.' The Long Island towns, he said, had at first submitted upon favorable conditions, surrendered their colors and constables' staves, and chosen new magistrates; and they would peacefully have taken the oath but for the counsels of 'evilly disposed' persons from Connecticut. Every one, he added, knew how much more gently than the Eng lish the Hollanders always treated 'vanquished enemies.' Winthrop replied that the letter was genuine and com mended it to Colve's consideration.

At the end of October Colve sent three of his councillors on the Zeehont to the disaffected quarter, directing them not to molest New England vessels and not to insist upon the oath except in the case of magistrates. Connecticut, as authorized by its sister colonies, sent Fitz-John Winthrop and Samuel \%illys with a band of soldiers to treat with such Dutchmen as they might find. After meeting and parleying near Shelter Island both parties landed at Southold and appealed to the people who had gathered in large numbers under arms. But seeing the English much stronger and fearing to `do more harm than good' the Dutchmen soon returned to New Orange. Connecticut put young Winthrop in charge of the militia of the island, declared war against New Netherland in November, and actively prepared to begin it in the spring. In February a few shots that did no damage passed between Winthrop's ship and one that Colve had sent to bring supplies from Shelter Island.

When the capture of New York was known in Boston there was for a time great alarm lest the Dutch fleet be coming northward, a fear accentuated by the fact that the `castle' in the harbor had recently burned down. All the colonies prepared to defend themselves in case of attack but none save Connecticut took any offensive steps. The former secretary of New York, Matthias Nicolls, who had retired to Connecticut, advised the New Englanders in a letter to Winthrop to 'anticipate the expectations from Europe,' say ing that it would not be difficult to recapture the province as there was 'a great damp at present upon most of the spirits' of the Dutch. Richard Wharton, a prominent Bos tonian, wrote to England that as New York was the 'navel of his Majesty's American territories' he should be urged to send a 'speedy and effectual expedition to unkennel his ene mies' there, explaining, like Nicolls, how easily it might be done. The general court of Massachusetts, he added, had 'wholly refused to engage the country' when the town of Southampton on Long Island had asked its aid.

It was not, in fact, the Dutch whom the men of the Bay Colony dreaded most. A Captain John Wyborne, who was sent from Barbadoes in 1673 in command of H.M.S. Gar land to Boston `to victual and refit,' reported that he had proposed to the magistrates there to reduce New Nether land, offering his services with the king's frigate and asking only for a few soldiers, sailors, and stores. They answered that they would contribute their endeavors if the province might be annexed to their government; otherwise 'they had rather the possession of New York remain with the Dutch than to come under such a person as Colonel Lovelace who might prove a worse neighbor.' To judge by their dis course, Wyborne wrote, they looked upon themselves `as a free state, not at all to be interested in the king's differences with other nations but that they might remain neuters.' Wyborne, however, cannot have been an impartial observer, for he relates that when he protested against the trading practices of Boston and said that some of the thousands of seamen who, it was reported, had fled to New England to escape from the king's service ought to be sent back home, he so exasperated the people that a rabble attacked and wounded him in the street and he escaped with his life only through the timely arrival of a well-armed band of his own seamen.

Late in November an English privateer found dismasted near Nantucket a ship on which Cornelis Van Ruyven had started for Holland bearing a letter from the magistrates of New Orange to the States General, seized the vessel, and took it to Boston. In reprisal Captain Eewoutsen captured four New England ketches and brought them to Manhattan where they were condemned as lawful prizes although their crews were sent home. Then Massachusetts threatened 'force of arms.' Colve replied that Massachusetts had been the aggressor. Connecticut proposed a 'preventive expedition,' the magistrates at Boston decided that God called them 'to do something in a hostile way for their own defence,' fitted a ship, and impressed soldiers; and Plymouth promised its aid. But, as Governor Leverett expressed it, 'the general of the averseness of the people' of his colony to 'any acts of hostility against the Dutch' occasioned 'the retard ment of coming to any conclusion tending thereto.' As the danger of an attack from New England increased, Colve's rule of New Orange grew stricter and stricter. The accommodations of the city were inspected so that the 'out side people' might be housed if forced to take refuge within its walls. No one could enter or leave it without a permit. No food stuffs might be exported. Every householder was directed to lay in a stock of provisions sufficient for six or eight months. All intercourse- and.corresniii Engl la_aLers were under heav_v_panalties—ferbielden. letters brought into the city were to be taken first to the secretary's office for examination. And the last remnants of Englishmen's property were sequestrated, those belonging to residents of other colonies. At New Harlem, where certain Englishmen made trouble, one was branded and banished for breaking the peace; and some of the inhabitants, wrote the town clerk, suspecting a conspiracy fled with their families and movables.

France as well as England being at war with Holland Colve forbade the up-river colonists to have any dealings with the Canadians. The Indians gave him no trouble although Jesuit missionaries were at this time very active among the Iroquois, and a new and energetic governor of New France, Count Frontenac, was trying to win their allegiance. In the spring of 1674 the sachems of the Mo hawks came to Manhattan, told Colve that they wished to renew their peace with the Dutch who had always been of `one blood' with themselves, promised to 'march out' with them if the French should come against them, and expressed the hope that no nation but the Dutch would ever again con trol the province.

As Stuyvesant's ordinance permitting the establishment of burgher-right in ew Amsterdam aid Nicolls2s_c reorganizing sometimes call city charters the or counci f war which set the municipal gover ent again caN., Dutch fou 4ations, and o nother b means January, 167 Colve defined trates and court. The court was given much larger criminal than civil powers. A novel clause, not un wise perhaps in a time of public danger, prescribed that the provincial schout-fiscal must be a member of the corporation and must preside at its meetings unless the governor himself chose so to do. Angrily the burgomasters and schepens refused to obey. Colve threatened to depose them. Unani mously they declared that they would not submit to an order in conflict with the laws and customs of their fatherland, but at last they did submit 'provisionally' and in the ex pressed belief that the governor would 'change his mind.' In February, petitioned by the magistrates to devise some means of paying for the work on the fortifications, Colve said that, 'as is practised in Fatherland in such and similar circumstances,' the 'best and most affluent inhabit ants' should be taxed for the purpose. Defining them as persons worth more than 1000 guilders 'wampum value,' he ordered that their property should be appraised by six im partial persons two of whom the people themselves should choose. The list then compiled bears one hundred and thirty-three names. As, however, it would take time to collect this tax, in March Colve decreed that a forced loan should be collected from persons worth more than 4000 guilders, to be paid in beaver or wheat 'at wampum price' and to be repaid from the proceeds of 'extraordinary' cus toms dues temporarily imposed. The list as revised on this occasion shows sixty-five persons with property of an aggre gate value — not in wampum but in 'Holland currency' of 520,900 guilders. The richest of them all was Frederick Flypsen, or Philipse. He was worth, in Holland currency, 80,000 guilders; Cornelis Steenwyck 50,000; Oloff Stevensen Van Cortlandt 45,000; John Lawrence 40,000; and Jacob Leisler and Johannes De Peyster each 15,000.

Lest the port be found at a critical moment 'stripped of its shipping' Colve ordered that not more than two of its trading vessels, to be chosen 'by lot or rotation,' should leave it at the same time for North or South River traffic. With his sanction the magistrates then permitted fourteen of the chief `barquiers' or sloop owners of the city to form what they called 'a lottery . . . to trade in turns,' all their profits to be 'put in a common fund' in the hands of two persons appointed for the purpose, and after each sloop had made one trip to be drawn out by the owners, each receiving his due share 'according to the size of his ship.' This seems to have been the first trading syndicate formed on Man hattan.

The governor and the magistrates did their best to kee order in a city constantly fearful of attack, garrisoned by troops fresh from West Indian sea-fighting, and filled with burghers undoubtedly averse to the hard labor imposed them all for the completing of the fortifications. A set of regulations drawn up for the guidance of the soldiers shows that Colve's ideas of discipline were very strict. The in habitants were absolutely forbidden to sell or even to give the soldiers any kind of strong drink. Instructions for the commissary say that as his ration each man received each week three and a half pounds of beef and two pounds of pork, or seven pounds of beef, or four pounds of pork; seven pounds of bread; and half a pound of butter 'or the value thereof, two stivers Holland.' Every month each man received a peck and a half of peas, and every three months a quarter of a schepel of salt. Half a barrel of small beer was allowed for seven men each week. Sergeants and gun ners were to receive a ration and a half, corporals a ration and a quarter.

With much diligence Colve labored in his court to settle the private disputes of his people. He ordered the city schout to cleanse his jurisdiction of 'all vagabonds, bawdy houses, gaming houses, and such impurities,' and the magis trates renewed the old laws against Sunday sports which seem to have lapsed during the English occupation. They also regulated Sunday liquor selling, explaining with good Dutch common sense: The intention of the above prohibition is not that a stranger or citizen shall not buy a drink of wine or beer for the assuagement of his thirst, but only to prevent the sitting of clubs on the Sabbath whereby many are hindered from resorting to Divine worship.

Conscience, said other ordinances of the time, was to suffer no constraint and 'every one permitted to go where he please to hear the Word of God.' But the Reformed Dutch religion was to be maintained 'without suffering the slightest attempt to be made against it by any other sectaries.' Ac cordingly, a Long Island Quaker who made an uproar in the streets of the city and blasphemed God and his Word in the church during divine service was sentenced to be whipped and banished; and a Baptist woman was imprisoned for `dipping' the child of a Reformed father while he was absent. In November Colve proclaimed a day of public 'humiliation and thanksgiving.' Scanty references indicate that every town was expected to support a public schoolmaster.

Stern soldier though he was, and compelled though he felt himself to supervise the proceedings of the city magis trates, Colve was no despot. All his ordinances, of course, were issued in council; and not only of the magistrates did he ask additional aid in his work of government. His 'burgher court martial' (council of war) embraced the officers of the burgher guard; and in March a convention of delegates from Manhattan, Bergen, and the Dutch towns of Long Island met by his order to consider questions of defence.

The militiamen of all the neighboring towns were now directed to be ready to repair on the first call to New Orange, for no other place could be hopefully defended while, thanks to the 'good zeal and industry' of its inhabitants, said the governor, the fortifications of the city were 'on the eve of perfection' so that very soon it would be 'capable (under God) of resisting all attacks of any enemies' that might be expected to appear. One hundred and eighty cannon, Sharpe wrote to Winthrop, had been mounted within the fort and elsewhere in the city. Nev act had New Amsterdam or New Yor PPn in so defensible a state or so martiaLa emper. Certainly if it had been the third time by a hostile fleet it would not have surrendered for the third time without a lively struggle. But just when it felt itself ready to fight it began to fear that it must quietly submit again to King Charles.

Gradually Charles's people had learned to see more danger -? for themselves in the waxing power of France than in the commercial competition of the Dutch, and to fear that the friendship between the two kings presaged the restoration of the faith of Rome in England. Parliament-sto suppo* t king in his naw war and in Marall vols.ecL.by-his—Bealar-agnnof Indulgence which, dispensing with the laws aninst-Neneonformitypon as a j first deptowardIaws in favor of Catholicism, compelled him p2,-,S to the Test Act requirin all civil and milita o • within the jiga dom to prove their Protestantism under oath. (07 The Duke of York, now a Catholic though secretly as yet, refused to conform and so lost all his offices within the king- dom, including that of lord high admiral, but none of iris t /-"•' rights or powers beyond the sea. Meanwhile the ambitions and the swift successes of Louis XIV consolidated the continent against him. A few weeks after he entered Utrecht in triumph the emperor of Germany and the elector of Brandenburg allied themselves with Hol land. Even its old enemy Spain agreed to take the field against France if the Dutch would make peace with England upon terms that included a restoration of all recent con quests. The rulers of the Republic, well aware that they could not defend it against both France and England, agreed to this suggestion; and they could not recede from their promise when the news, bare of particulars, that Evertsen and Binckes had recaptured New Netherland reached them from England just as they were despatching their proposals for peace to King Charles. The same news had reached Whitehall in time to dampen the festivities with which the Duke of York was celebrating his marriage with his &Load )- wife, atholic princess, Mary of Modena. The peaceful proposals of the Dutch soon o owe .

More and more clearly convinced of the value of the Ameri canin 1670 the crown ofd had bestowed a charter. on the Hudson's Bay oiy_ hoping t us to a northern entrance-hato-the—fnavroducirign continent. John Evelyn, who was a member of the Council an Plantations which since 1672 had been the body that advised the crown with regard to colonial affairs, tells how earnestly it had taken up its work. Now, in a paper preserved in the handwriting of its secretary, John Locke, it offered urgent advice about New York. The loss of the only fortified harbor in all North America,' it said, would ruin the trade of the English plantations. The New Eng landers, more capable of resistance than the widely scattered Virginians but 'more intent upon the advancement of their own private trade than the public interest of his Majesty's crown and government,' might enter 'into commerce' with the Dutch in their neighborhood, thus diverting trade and laying foundations for such a union between themselves and Holland as would be very prejudicial to all the English colo nies if not terrible to England itself.' The lost province must be regained; and the Dutch inhabitants of Manhattan should be moved up the country at least as far as Albany.' Individuals offered similar advice. For example, a Bristol merchant engaged in colonial trade explained that as the Virginians desired 'not to be singly bound to England but to trade with the Dutch and all nations,' the presence of the Dutch in New York meant that Virginia, the king's 'best, greatest, and richest plantation,' was in danger 'with the planters' consent to fall into the enemy's hand.' The States General were meanwhile considering what they should do for the province whose fate hung in the balances of negotiation. In December, when despatches from Com mander Binckes at last arrived, they decided to put it, pro visionally and subject to their own supervision, in charge of the Amsterdam board of admiralty whose ships had shared in its recovery; and as its 'governor and commander' they appointed Joris Andringa, then secretary of the fleet in the province of Holland. Four days later, however, and again in January, 1674, stung by the taunt of Charles II that they had not made their peaceful proposals in good faith, they repeated them more in detail, asking now for a renewal of the Treaty of Breda and laying stress upon the value of New Netherland which they were willing to resign although it was their own `ancient domain.' Parliament, the -Louis-XIV, refused to grant—hina—supplies—fortis---ar, gry, reluc tant, but penniless he was forced to ield; and in February a treaty between England and Holland, signed at West minster, closed hat was called in was really th • -Dutch war. ngland the second lyt, This Treaty of Westmin r r b //tLEn in respect to territorial possessions and bound the Dutch to pay a large war indemnity and to recognize the supremacy of the English flag on all the waters between Spain and Norway. It put an end for a hundred years to maritime wars between the two great Protestant nations. It forced Louis XIV to evacuate the soil of Holland, but it did not end the war between the Dutch and the French. This continued, as part of a great continental struggle, for four years longer.

The letter from the magistrates of New Orange to the States General that had been intrusted to Van Ruyven in the autumn of 1673 set forth the importance of New Nether land as a watch-tower against England, a refuge for the many persons recently ruined by the French invasion of the Netherlands, and a 'granary and magazine of many neces saries' for the fatherland, Curagoa, and Surinam; and it begged for adequate protection lest the vastly greater num bers of English and French who surrounded the province should fall upon it, and its inhabitants should be 'destroyed or sold as slaves.' Owing to the interruption of Van Ruy ven's voyage this letter did not reach Holland until the day before the Treaty of Westminster was publicly proclaimed, in March, 1674. It could then do little save increase among the merchants of Amsterdam their useless fervor of late awakened interest. They tried, however, to get what con cessions they could for the benefit of the province and them selves. A committee of three, one of them Jan Baptist Van Rensselaer, signed on behalf of a large number of 'New Netherland merchants' a petition begging the States General to persuade the king of England to relinquish the province `either in exchange or for a sum of money' or, should this be denied, to guarantee that none of its inhabitants be dis turbed for anything that had happened while they were zealously' laboring in the interests of the Republic. Further more the king should be urged to permit free trade between Holland and New York or, at least, to allow vessels to go and come if they would 'touch at and pay duty in Old Eng land,' to affirm the validity of the Articles of Surrender of 1664, and to promise that if the Dutch settlers 'experiencing ill treatment' should wish to depart they might all be re moved in Dutch vessels sent for the purpose. The Zealand board of admiralty, whose ships had taken part in the recap ture of the province, advised that its Dutch residents, whether ill treated or not, should all be transferred to Holland or to Surinam or some other Dutch colony.

While these things were being said in Europe, it was rumored in New Orange in March that Charles II had determined to retake the province by force. Soon afterwards it was said that a peace had been concluded. This no one believed, and as late as the month of May Colve was still perfecting his defences although he was so destitute of funds that he had to borrow of Nicholas Bayard, pledging as a 'special mortgage' for his security the 'metal cannon' in the fort.

By this time New England knew the truth about the treaty. The way in which it was announced on Manhattan is most explicitly described by the same John Sharpe who reported upon the surrender of the previous year.

Writing on May 24 from Milford in Connecticut to Governor Winthrop, Sharpe related that he had asked Colve to admit him to the city to see his wife and children, sending the plea by Isaac Molyne — that is, by one of Cornelis Melyn's sons who years before had transferred his allegiance to Con necticut but retained his home in New York. Melyn told Colve of the peace but not of the promised surrender of the province. When Sharpe arrived and the governor, after reading all the letters he brought for the inhabitants, ques tioned him narrowly he showed copies of despatches that had come from England. Colve ordered him to speak of nothing except the peace. Sharpe obeyed but, when a multitude of Dutchmen went to Melyn's house 'hungry after news,' Melyn `ragingly' told them that they had been slaving for the king of England, the States General having agreed to give him back the province. This 'struck . . . the Dutch into such a distracted rage and passion' that they cried out they would fire the town, pluck down the fortifications, and 'tear out the governors' throats' who had compelled them to slave to no purpose 'contrary to their native privileges.' Questioned by Colve and not denying what he had done Melyn was com mitted to a dungeon in the fort and advised to prepare for death as within two days he should swing 'by the French man who hanged in chains on the gallows.' But on the following day this 'unfaithful, Judasly, and treacherous traveller' affirmed his innocence and accused Sharpe of spreading the unwelcome news. Thereupon Sharpe, after two examinations in which, he said, he was not allowed to plead his own defence, was kept for three days in 'the inner and nethermost dungeon, cousin-german of the Stygian Lake,' and then banished from the province for ten years under pain of death. As soon as this sentence was published, 'which was done with great solemnity,' the town-house bell ringing three times so that the major part of the town 'congregated together to hear it,' he was put in a canoe and sent away without being permitted to bid farewell to his family or to get his 'boots or a shirt.' These things were done by the council, he explained, to convince the people that' the States General did not mean to part with 'such an invincible strong hold.' Melyn was not hanged but was sentenced to labor `from morning to night every day' on the works of defence until they should be finished, which would not be for a long time because Colve, to keep the people out of idleness, was `daily projecting more and more inventions.' Meanwhile, Sharpe added, the commonalty belched forth their `curses and execrations' against the States General, the Prince of Orange, the Dutch commanders who had captured the place, and 'their task-master the governor,' saying that they would not `on demand and by authority of States or Prince sur render' but would keep New Orange ' by fighting' as long as they could 'stand with one leg and fight with one hand.' All this may be read as a very melodramatic version of what really happened. Colve disbelieved the news brought by Sharpe and Melyn who could give no proof that the papers they bore were not mere concoctions designed to prepare the way for an invasion from New England; and the actual sentences pronounced upon the offenders say that Sharpe had entered the city without permission although previously banished, and that he was condemned for fomenting 'mutiny and disturbance' in New Orange and elsewhere, Melyn for uttering 'very seditious and mutinous language.' As soon as news that could not be doubted arrived, first from New England and then from Holland, Colve released the sequestrated property of residents of other colonies and three New England sloops that the Zeehond had recently cap tured. On July 11 he publicly proclaimed the Treaty of Westminster. In August Governor Winthrop wrote to his son that a person just arrived from England `certified for a certainty' that 'it is one Major Andrewes who is to come over Governor for New York.' In fact, in March the king had deputed Major Edmund Andros (as the name was much more commonly written) to receive the province on his be half, and the Duke of York had commissioned him to ad minister it as his 'lieutenant and governor.' A frigate sent from Holland to carry home the Dutch officials and soldiers reached Manhattan on October 16, bring ing instructions how Colve was to surrender and 'vacate' his province. Five persons of his choosing, it was ordered, were to administer the government until Major Andros should come. But before Colve was ready to depart Andros arrived, on November 1 on the frigate Diamond in company with another called the Castle, and anchored under the Staten Island shore. At once he sent Colve his credentials from the States General. Colve asked for eight days in which to complete the preliminaries of the evacuation. The city magis trates and the burgher court martial sent Councillor Steen wyck and Burgomasters Van Brugh and Beekman to wel come the new governor and to ask certain securities and privileges for their people. Andros assured them that Dutch men and Englishmen should be treated alike. On November 3 he wrote the governor that he was sorry to hear that there were disorders in the town, hoped that they would be remedied by the strict measures Colve was taking, and be sought pardon for some English soldiers whom Colve had ordered under arrest when they were found drunk on the street. On the 6th Colve asked his approval of eleven Articles guaranteeing religious liberty, freedom from impressment, the validity of judgments passed in the courts during the Dutch reoccupation, the maintenance of actual owners in the pos session of confiscated property, and sundry minor privileges. Andros promised to consider these requests as soon as he should be in office, saying that he had been instructed to act with justness and kindness.' Colys_gave the consistory of 1 'e1 the 1 utch church, who feared they mi ht be dis I • " , 41 1 deesurc ng wit in the fort. Assembling the civil officials and militia officers, he absolved them from their oaths and bade them farewell; and the magistrates presented him with two hundred and fifty guilders for his services during his year as governor. The last entry in the court records of New Orange, the last statement ever written by an official of Dutch allegiance in the city on Manhattan, reads: On the 10th November, Anno 1674, the Province of New Nether land is surrendered by Governor Colve to Governor Major Edmund Andros in behalf of His Majesty of Great Britain.

On the same day, a Saturday, October 31 according to the English calendar, Colve retired with his troops to the Dutch frigate. On the Monday Andros sent from the fort, named again Fort James, his answers to the eleven Articles, granting most of the requests they embodied; he wished Captain Colve Godspeed, and thanked him for the gift of his coach and three horses.

If New Netherland had not been reoccupied by the Eng lish at this time it would probably have been conquered by the French. Or, if it had still remained Dutch for a time, it would undoubtedly have been ceded to England before the century closed — when William of Orange, stadholder of Holland, ascended the throne of the Stuarts.

The West India Company had tried to regain a hold upon its former province, demanding that duties should be paid to it upon the cargoes which during the English occupation passed between Amsterdam and New York ; and at the re quest of Charles II it had joined with the government in authorizing Colve to make way for Major Andros although, said the States General, such an order was `wholly unneces sary' as the province was now 'wholly beyond' the Com pany's control. In the very year when the province passed forever out of Holland's control the Company itself, burdened with a hopeless debt of six million guilders, was dissolved. A new West India Company, incorporated in the following year from the wreckage of the old one and given the same exclusive right to trade with America, was always a weakly body but survived, as did the Dutch East India Company, until 1800 when the Republic fell under the power of France. Since the establishment of the present kingdom of Holland its colonies have been administered as national possessions. They are now more extensive and valuable than those of any other state excepting Great Britain while not a single foreign post or plantation remains to the Netherlands' ancient enemy Spain, the first and for a long time by far the greatest, European landowner in America.

As to the way in which Holland has managed its colonies it may suffice to quote the words of one competent observer, Wallace the English naturalist. Writing from Sumatra in 1861 he said that, contrary to the common English belief, Dutch colonial government in the East had never been worse than English and was then "very much better"; . . . and what is greatly to their credit and not generally known, they take nearly the same pains to establish order and good govern ment in those islands and possessions which are an annual loss to them as in those which yield them a revenue. . . . Personally I do not much like the Dutch out here, or the Dutch officials; but I can not help bearing witness to the excellence of their government of native races, gentle yet firm, respecting their manners, customs, and prejudices, yet introducing everywhere European law, order, and industry.

dutch, colve, english, governor and city